The following article originally appeared in the December 2003/January 2004
edition of Union Democracy Review.
"New Unity" and old-time bureaucracy
By HERMAN BENSON
Special to the Michigan Socialist
WHAT JOHN SWEENEY did unto Lane Kirkland in 1995, may now be done unto him.
On Sept. 18, Sweeney announced he would run for reelection as AFL-CIO
president, along with Rich Trumka, secretary-treasurer, and Linda
Chavez-Thompson, executive vice-president.
But his term of office doesn't expire until mid 2005, almost two years to
go. Ordinarily such a premature declaration would seem strange.
Not this time, however, because Sweeney needs to forestall a not-so-subtle
drive by five international union leaders to push him out.
They had planted stories in Business Week and in the American Prospect
about his probable "retirement" in 2005 (news to him!); they were already
mulling over the choice of his successor. The pressure on Sweeney continues.
When the New York Times reported that he would run for reelection, it
added, "Some labor officials questioned whether Mr. Sweeney might reverse
himself and ... not seek another term."
The five were banding together, they said, because at a time when labor
must grow or die, the AFL-CIO remains passive and impotent.
Calling for change, they propose to show the way to organize the unorganized.
And so memories of the 1995 AFL-CIO convention in New York!
That's when Sweeney, at the head of a coalition of international
presidents, proclaiming that labor must grow or die, called for change and
proposed to lead the federation in a drive to organize the unorganized.
His drive for change succeeded only partially. He was elected AFL-CIO
president to head a new leadership; he beat the drums for organizing; he
called upon affiliates to put forces in the field; he recruited hundreds of
eager students for a demonstrative summer of organizing.
But it didn't work. Now, eight years later, back to square one. Despite his
exhortation, the response from the established labor leadership was limp.
There have been some gains in organizing, but the unionized section of the
private, non-government, work force remains at the dangerously low 9 percent.
NOW, THE RESTIVE five international union leaders, publicly expecting
Sweeney to bow out, have joined together in a formal organization,
partially inside the AFL-CIO and partially outside, complete with a name,
New Unity Partnership.
Time and tide wait for no one. They intend to reorganize themselves and
then demonstrate to the labor movement how to organize the unorganized.
The implication of their message: Lane Kirkland and Tom Donahue, the
AFL-CIO old guard and all their predecessors, talked of organizing; but did
nothing. Sweeney promised to organize, but accomplished next to nothing.
But this time, really and now, they will organize.
Together, the five international presidents make up an odd combination:
Douglas McCarron, Carpenters Union; Bruce Raynor, UNITE; John Wilhelm,
Hotel union; Terrence O'Sullivan, Laborers; Andy Stern, Service Employees.
In 1995, the Carpenters and UNITE both voted the old guard against Sweeney
the reformer. The other three backed Sweeney.
When McCarron pulled the Carpenters out of the AFL-CIO, Sweeney announced
that Carpenter locals would be barred from AFL-CIO state and city federations.
In a serious rebuff, an unusual coupling of the building trades and the New
Unity Partnership defeated Sweeney and blocked his move.
Wilhelm and O'Sullivan head two unions once heavily infiltrated by
organized crime. Their unions, at least at the national level, were freed
from organized crime, not by internal insurgency and reform, but by the
U.S. Department of Justice.
Wilhelm and Stern, who have both earned reputations as modern, progressive
leaders, are allied with McCarron who exchanges mutual public expressions
of admiration with President Bush.
Unlike Sweeney, the Partnership starts out with a scientific plan
scrupulously worked out on paper by research workers, complete with graphs
and statistical charts.
The NUP program is inspired by a 44-page analysis prepared by Stephen
Lerner of the SEIU organizing staff.
The key aim of any organizing effort, according to this plan, is for unions
to win a decisive market share in industries by increasing "union density"
and controlling the "labor supply" and so gain the ability "to take wages
out of competition and raise standards."
According to Lerner, here's the problem: "The current structure of the
labor movement stands in the way of organizing workers and building
increased strength for workers at every level of the labor movement."
And so, they would reorganize the labor movement, but really reorganize it:
Unions must stop taking the lazy way out; no more picking up whatever is
easy to organize; and so no more "general workers unions" that reach out
for anyone who will pay dues, from laborers to nuclear scientists.
They must concentrate on increasing that "density" in their assigned basic
markets. We have to get rid of that clutter of little organizations, those
"corner store" unions which are happy with a tiny, selective membership so
long as they pay enough dues to sustain the officers' salaries.
The graphs and charts demonstrate that American industry is shaped into 15
great segments: Services, Government, Manufacturing, Mining, etc., etc.
And so, we have to get rid of that useless proliferation of impotent unions
and organize into 12-15 big, powerful unions, each in its defined
To get there, we must eliminate the defectives, merge some, swap locals and
members, and end with those powerful few, each with its authorized clearly
defined sphere of influence.
THE FORMATION OF the NUP has been compared with the rise of the CIO within
the old AFL, but differences are more striking than similarities.
The CIO arose in response to the turbulent, spontaneous, often
uncontrollable initiative of thousands of workers. The NUP arises out of
the brain of well-meaning idealistic union staffers.
The ideological flavor of the plan recalls the old-fashioned disputes of
yesteryear; a weird combination of old AFL conservatism with its strictly
assigned jurisdiction and the old radical industrial unionism with its
imaginary unions concocted out of wheels and charts.
The five in the NUP promise to plunge forward. Success, they say, will
induce others to join in. It will be interesting to see how they solve
their own immediate problems.
One of the five, the SEIU, has many of the characteristics of the "general
workers" union they want to abolish. Will it swap away all its government
workers and other incidentals?
Will the Laborers union fork over its 500,000 mail handlers and the
millions of dollars in federal insurance money that goes along?
Will the Laborers and Carpenters merge into a single construction union and
convince, say, the IBEW electrical workers to join and surrender the
autonomy it now enjoys in its limited field?
UNITE has nothing to swap; its basic industry is in collapse. Who will
define the limits of its ultimate imperial domain?
Such questions, limited when confined within the NUP five, would be
magnified a thousand-fold if extended to the rest of the labor movement.
Like many a grand plan emanating out of the minds of great thinkers, the
NUP project requires that its leaders be endowed with extraordinary authority.
Naturally, they are impatient with questions of union democracy. Not
necessarily hostile to the idea as an abstraction, but impatient with
anyone who would focus on the subject as a practical need.
"It is too narrow to talk of union democracy only," writes Lerner. (Would
it not be "narrow" to talk only of anything?) "If only 10 percent of
workers in an industry are unionized it is impossible to have real union
democracy because 90 percent of the workers are excluded."
An elusive formulation which implies that the 10 percent, we who are
organized, must wait for our union democracy until that 90 percent come
along, which could be a long, long time.
Actually, as AUD insists, union democracy can be a spur to organizing by
making the labor movement more attractive to recruits.
But the NUP seems to see union democracy as an inconvenience, even an
impediment; in any event, its whole program is permeated with that "narrow"
Those few massive unions, with their exclusive jurisdiction, would allow no
refuge for workers who, fed up with a highhanded officialdom, seek more
This is the no-raiding pact elevated to the point of fanaticism.
The NUP proposes to eradicate any element of autonomy for state and city
AFL-CIO federations; all delegates would be selected by the internationals
not by affiliated locals. State and city federation presidents could serve
only part time.
The federations would be ruled by full time executive vice presidents, not
elected by the delegates, but appointed by the national AFL-CIO.
The local federations would lose control over their own money; all per
capita payments would go to the national AFL-CIO.
These organizational trappings are never explicitly justified; they are
simply enunciated and shoehorned to fit into the NUP conception of a newly
bureaucratized labor movement.
THIS VISION OF a highly centralized labor movement which restrains
membership initiative in an authoritarian straightjacket is no mere bad
dream, no reverse utopia. The model is already in operation.
The Carpenters union has already been reorganized to show the way. Its
locals have been reduced into impotent units.
Merged into sprawling regional councils, locals are not permitted to pay
any officers or staff members; their main source of income, the work tax,
is taken over by the councils. Locals have lost all control over collective
No member can hold any paid staff position in the council or any local
without the permission of an all-powerful Executive Secretary Treasurer.
Local delegates, who elect the EST, cannot hold a paid union job without
his or her endorsement.
Support for the NUP comes from divergent sources: From a younger generation
of union leaders, social idealists (for want of any better term) who are
impatient with the slow pace of progress and will let nothing to stand in
With them are the congenital authoritarian types.
What binds them together, at this juncture, is the conviction that if they
could be relieved of the "narrow" restraints of democracy all power placed
in their hands, they could save the labor movement.
Unskilled, low-wage workers, immigrants, and even undocumented workers make
up a large part of the membership of four of the five NUP unions: Laborers,
SEIU, Hotel, and UNITE.
Huddled masses yearning to be free, make way for the experts and idealists!
The five unions are already reaching out to others who they feel share
their values, in particular, the Teamsters and the United Food and
They hope for support from liberal Republicans and from Karl Rove, Bush's
chief advisor. They are not likely to reshape the whole labor movement.
Extensive resistance is unavoidable: On the one hand, from grassroots local
leaders and rank-and-file activists who would welcome an effective program
to organize the unorganized but want a voice in running their own unions;
on the other hand, from complacent, entrenched office holders who simply
distrust any program of action, good or bad.
In any event, given the current political and economic trends in the
country and in the world, even the best program of organization will
continue to run into heavy employer resistance.
If AUD is correct, and a major breakthrough for the labor movement requires
cultivating the spirit of freedom in unions and in the nation and not its
stifling, this plan is off the track.
But it does seem clear that the NUP will put substantial resources into
organizing. If they follow through, we can expect progress. Bureaucracy at
its best, spiced with a dash of idealism, is bound to chalk up some real
achievements in organizing the unorganized.
If they fail, it will be another in a line of disappointing and
If they do succeed, the danger is that they, like the Carpenters union,
will deepen the trend toward bureaucracy and authoritarianism in the labor
And so while we can't wish them well in their drive to bureaucratize the
labor movement, we can only hope for successes in their effort to organize.
In any event, defense of union democracy will remain more relevant than ever.
The NUP in Brief
1. An extended reaffirmation of the truism that everyone already accepts:
unions must organize the unorganized.
2. A lengthy visual defense of this point in the form of charts, graphs,
and statistical tables.
3. A plan for bureaucratization of the labor movement.
4. A statement that the five internationals intend to put massive resources
into organizing and forge ahead without waiting for the rest of the AFL-CIO.
On the Internet: http://www.uniondemocracy.org
You can read the articles for the current (January/February 2004) edition
of the Michigan Socialist by clicking on the following URL: